La “otra” libertad de expresión en América Latina.

Posted on 9 diciembre, 2011 by juanmartorano Eugenia García Raya Pueblos No hay más que introducir en cualquier buscador de Internet las palabras “libertad expresión América Latina” para comprobar que, con contadísimas excepciones, esta libertad de expresarse se asocia con la libertad de los medios de comunicación. Los informes sobre libertad de expresión de instituciones y organismos internacionales y nacionales hacen recuento y alertan sobre las amenazas y delitos contra los periodistas en la región, así como sobre las amenazas para la libertad de prensa. Pero, y sin intentar relegar la importancia que la libertad de informar desde cualquier medio de comunicación tiene para la democracia, es necesario hacer varias precisiones sobre la libertad de expresión que a muchos sonarán obvias pero cuyo olvido sirve precisamente para restringir este derecho.
En primer lugar, hay que recordar que los sujetos de la libertad de expresión no son solo los medios de comunicación, puesto que la libertad de expresión va más allá de la libertad de prensa. En segundo lugar, que el ámbito de la libertad de expresarse va mucho más allá de los escenarios de los medios, puesto que hablamos de un derecho a la comunicación (pública), que como sabemos recorre muchos otros espacios físicos y simbólicos en una sociedad. La libertad de expresión da sentido al debate público, al intercambio de ideas en igualdad, y por tanto corre (o debe correr) por los medios de comunicación pero también por las mesas de negociación, por las protestas callejeras, por los conciertos de rock, por las universidades, por los centros de trabajo. Y esto se hace especialmente cierto en América Latina, donde la participación política discurre de manera fundamental en escenarios no institucionales y alejada de los medios de comunicación hegemónicos.
La libertad de expresión, cuando se refiere a un derecho social tiene que ver con la posibilidad de participar en la esfera pública a través de la comunicación. Y aquí hay dos derechos que las organizaciones y movimientos sociales tienen que poder ejercer: el derecho a la “visibilidad”, y el derecho a la “interlocución”. Ser visivles significa poder hacer parte de un espacio público común, de un espacio en el que convergen posturas diferentes y divergentes, significa por ejemplo, el derecho a que la voz se oiga, a que se sepa que se existe, a ser visto contestado y poder replicar, en definitiva porque más allá de la visibilidad, la libertad de expresarse implica también el derecho a expresarse con alguien, frente a alguien, contra alguien, a ser contestado y poder replicar en definitiva, a ser un interlocutor social.
Libertad de expresión y movimientos sociales
Y esa visibilidad y esa interlocución social se deben poder ejercer, a su vez, en varios espacios: los propios, y los comunes o hegemónicos. Respecto a los primeros, se trataría de poder construir redes de comunicación alternativas a la comunicación hegemónica, que con su acción van estableciendo una identidad, una memoria colectiva y un proyecto. Respecto a los segundos, desdeñados por algunos movimientos sociales, se trata de que se cumpla la democracia comunicativa en sociedades en las que cada vez cobran más importancia en la construcción de los imaginarios colectivos los medios de comunicación (precisamente por la violencia política que se ha vivido y se vive en muchos países de América Latina y que impide la libre comunicación en muchos espacios públicos).
El Informe Anual 2008 de la Relatoría Especial para la Libertad de Expresión de la Comisión Interamericana de Derecho Humanos así lo reconoce: “Hay un componente de la libertad de expresión con el cual estamos en deuda: las personas que integran los grupos sociales tradicionalmente marginados, discriminados o que se encuentran en estado de indefensión, son sistemáticamente excluidas, por diversas razones, del debate público. Estos grupos no tienen canales institucionales o privados para ejercer en serio y de manera vigorosa y permanente su derecho a expresar públicamente sus ideas y opiniones o para informarse sobre los asuntos que los afectan. Este proceso de exclusión ha privado también a las sociedades de conocer los intereses, las necesidades y propuestas de quienes no han tenido la oportunidad de acceder, en igualdad de condiciones, al debate democrático”.
En América Latina la libertad de expresión se enfrenta, vista desde ese punto de vista, a censuras y violaciones gravísimas. Porque a censuras y violaciones de derechos se enfrentan los movimientos y organizaciones que quieren ejercer el derecho de expresarse, que en muchas ocasiones es sinónimo del derecho a protestar. Y es que en varios países latinoamericanos se sufre una criminalización de la protesta social también reconocida por la Comisión Interamericana de Derechos Humanos de la OEA.
Criminalización de las protestas
Esta criminalización de la expresión ciudadana se refleja en datos objtivos: en Argentina, según el Informe sobre la situación de los derechos humanos elaborado por “Alerta Salta”, a mediados de los dos mil había 4.000 procesos judiciales abiertos contra actos de protesta. En México, la Red Nacional de Organismos Civiles de Derechos Humanos tuvo que poner en marcha la campaña “Protestar es un derecho, reprimir es un delito”, ante la creciente “negación” de los conflictos sociales por parte del Estado: en aquellas protestas que tienen como contraparte al Estado, no se produce interlocución social en un 70 por ciento de los casos [1]. En Chile, Amnistía Internacional ha advertido que la llamada ley antiterrorista y sus testigos protegidos se están aplicado en algunos casos “para la penalización de la protesta social”, y es especialmente grave el uso de testigos secretos y del doble juicio civil y militar contra los mapuches que llevan años movilizándose en defensa de sus tierras y su cultura. En Colombia, durante el Gobierno de Álvaro Uribe toda protesta era acusada de estar infiltrada por las guerrillas de las FARC, acusación que se acompañó (además de amenazas, asesinatos y desapariciones) de escuchas ilegales a defensores de derechos humanos, periodistas y miembros de organizaciones sociales tanto dentro como fuera del territorio colombiano, tal y como se ha demandado ante la Audiencia Nacional española. Con el nuevo Gobierno, está en proceso de aprobación la ley de seguridad ciudadana, que establece en uno de sus artículos que “el que por medios ilícitos obstaculice, de manera temporal o permanente, selectiva o general, las vías o la infraestructura de transporte de tal forma que afecte el orden público o la movilidad, incurrirá en prisión de cuatro a ocho años y multa de trece a setenta y cinco salarios mínimos legales mensuales vigentes”.
Claro que esta ley puede sonar a broma macabra frente a la realidad de que el 55 por ciento de los sindicalistas asesinados en el mundo son colombianos. Precisamente la aterradora situación de los derechos humanos en Colombia ha servido para que en una sentencia histórica de la Corte Interamericana de Derechos en la que se condena al Estado colombiano por el asesinato del senador de la Unión Patriótica Manuel Cepeda, se recuerde la vinculación del derecho a protestar con la libertad de expresión: “es de resaltar que las voces de oposición resultan imprescindibles para una sociedad democrática, sin las cuales no es posible el logro de acuerdos que atiendan a las diferentes visiones que prevalecen en una sociedad. Por ello, la participación efectiva de personas, grupos y organizaciones y partidos políticos de oposición en una sociedad democrática debe ser garantizada por los Estados, mediante normativas y prácticas adecuadas que posibiliten su acceso real y efectivo a los diferentes espacios deliberativos en términos igualitarios, pero también mediante la adopción de medidas necesarias para garantizar su pleno ejercicio, atendiendo la situación de vulnerabilidad en que se encuentran los integrantes de ciertos sectores o grupos sociales”.
El peso de las empresas mediáticas
Volviendo, ahora sí, al asunto de la libertad de expresión de los medios de comunicación en América Latina, es interesante volver a recordar dos realidades que se repiten. La primera durante demasiadas décadas, la segunda en los últimos años. En primer lugar, las amenazas contra los periodistas y medios que informan sobre hechos incómodos para el poder político y las grandes empresas. En lo que va de 2011, han sido asesinados 7 periodistas en México, 4 en Honduras y Brasil, y uno en El Salvador, Colombia, Guatemala, Perú, República Dominicana y Venezuela. En casi todos los casos los crímenes permanecen en la impunidad. Además, los periodistas sufren censuras y acciones que coartan la libertad de informar por parte de sus empresas. Como el caso de los fotoperiodistas de Uruguay, que en una carta abierta denunciaban que los propietarios de algunos medios de comunicación “colaboran” con la policía y los jueces entregándoles material audiovisual inédito que sirve para identificar personas durante las festaciones. Tras una manifestación contra Bush en 2007, los fotógrafos de prensa decían en su carta pública: “Al Ministerio del Interior le decimos: los fotógrafos de prensa no trabajamos para la policía. (…) a los propietarios y directores de los medios: los contratos expresos o implícitos que tenemos con los medios autorizan el uso de las imágenes que producimos solo con firnes periodísticos. (manifestantes: quienes no deseen ser fotografiados no deben participar a cara descubierta en actos públicos que se convocan en espacios públicos” [1%5D.%20En%20Chile,%20Amnist%C3%ADa%20Internacional%20ha%20advertido%20que%20la%20llamada%20ley%20antiterrorista%20y%20sus%20testigos%20protegidos%20se%20est%C3%A1n%20aplicado%20en%20algunos%20casos%20%E2%80%9Cpara%20la%20penalizaci%C3%B3n%20de%20la%20protesta%20social%E2%80%9D,%20y%20es%20especialmente%20grave%20el%20uso%20de%20testigos%20secretos%20y%20del%20doble%20juicio%20civil%20y%20militar%20contra%20los%20mapuches%20que%20llevan%20a%C3%B1os%20moviliz%C3%A1ndose%20en%20defensa%20de%20sus%20tierras%20y%20su%20cultura.%20En%20Colombia,%20durante%20el%20Gobierno%20de%20%C3%81lvaro%20Uribe%20toda%20protesta%20era%20acusada%20de%20estar%20infiltrada%20por%20las%20guerrillas%20de%20las%20FARC,%20acusaci%C3%B3n%20que%20se%20acompa%C3%B1%C3%B3%20(adem%C3%A1s%20de%20amenazas,%20asesinatos%20y%20desapariciones)%20de%20escuchas%20ilegales%20a%20defensores%20de%20derechos%20humanos,%20periodistas%20y%20miembros%20de%20organizaciones%20sociales%20tanto%20dentro%20como%20fuera%20del%20territorio%20colombiano,%20tal%20y%20como%20se%20ha%20demandado%20ante%20la%20Audiencia%20Nacional%20espa%C3%B1ola.%20Con%20el%20nuevo%20Gobierno,%20est%C3%A1%20en%20proceso%20de%20aprobaci%C3%B3n%20la%20ley%20de%20seguridad%20ciudadana,%20que%20establece%20en%20uno%20de%20sus%20art%C3%ADculos%20que%20%E2%80%9Cel%20que%20por%20medios%20il%C3%ADcitos%20obstaculice,%20de%20manera%20temporal%20o%20permanente,%20selectiva%20o%20general,%20las%20v%C3%ADas%20o%20la%20infraestructura%20de%20transporte%20de%20tal%20forma%20que%20afecte%20el%20orden%20p%C3%BAblico%20o%20la%20movilidad,%20incurrir%C3%A1%20en%20prisi%C3%B3n%20de%20cuatro%20a%20ocho%20a%C3%B1os%20y%20multa%20de%20trece%20a%20setenta%20y%20cinco%20salarios%20m%C3%ADnimos%20legales%20mensuales%20vigentes%E2%80%9D.Claro%20que%20esta%20ley%20puede%20sonar%20a%20broma%20macabra%20frente%20a%20la%20realidad%20de%20que%20el%2055%20por%20ciento%20de%20los%20sindicalistas%20asesinados%20en%20el%20mundo%20son%20colombianos.%20Precisamente%20la%20aterradora%20situaci%C3%B3n%20de%20los%20derechos%20humanos%20en%20Colombia%20ha%20servido%20para%20que%20en%20una%20sentencia%20hist%C3%B3rica%20de%20la%20Corte%20Interamericana%20de%20Derechos%20en%20la%20que%20se%20condena%20al%20Estado%20colombiano%20por%20el%20asesinato%20del%20senador%20de%20la%20Uni%C3%B3n%20Patri%C3%B3tica%20Manuel%20Cepeda,%20se%20recuerde%20la%20vinculaci%C3%B3n%20del%20derecho%20a%20protestar%20con%20la%20libertad%20de%20expresi%C3%B3n:%20%E2%80%9Ces%20de%20resaltar%20que%20las%20voces%20de%20oposici%C3%B3n%20resultan%20imprescindibles%20para%20una%20sociedad%20democr%C3%A1tica,%20sin%20las%20cuales%20no%20es%20posible%20el%20logro%20de%20acuerdos%20que%20atiendan%20a%20las%20diferentes%20visiones%20que%20prevalecen%20en%20una%20sociedad.%20Por%20ello,%20la%20participaci%C3%B3n%20efectiva%20de%20personas,%20grupos%20y%20organizaciones%20y%20partidos%20pol%C3%ADticos%20de%20oposici%C3%B3n%20en%20una%20sociedad%20democr%C3%A1tica%20debe%20ser%20garantizada%20por%20los%20Estados,%20mediante%20normativas%20y%20pr%C3%A1cticas%20adecuadas%20que%20posibiliten%20su%20acceso%20real%20y%20efectivo%20a%20los%20diferentes%20espacios%20deliberativos%20en%20t%C3%A9rminos%20igualitarios,%20pero%20tambi%C3%A9n%20mediante%20la%20adopci%C3%B3n%20de%20medidas%20necesarias%20para%20garantizar%20su%20pleno%20ejercicio,%20atendiendo%20la%20situaci%C3%B3n%20de%20vulnerabilidad%20en%20que%20se%20encuentran%20los%20integrantes%20de%20ciertos%20sectores%20o%20grupos%20sociales%E2%80%9D.El%20peso%20de%20las%20empresas%20medi%C3%A1ticasVolviendo,%20ahora%20s%C3%AD,%20al%20asunto%20de%20la%20libertad%20de%20expresi%C3%B3n%20de%20los%20medios%20de%20comunicaci%C3%B3n%20en%20Am%C3%A9rica%20Latina,%20es%20interesante%20volver%20a%20recordar%20dos%20realidades%20que%20se%20repiten.%20La%20primera%20durante%20demasiadas%20d%C3%A9cadas,%20la%20segunda%20en%20los%20%C3%BAltimos%20a%C3%B1os.%20En%20primer%20lugar,%20las%20amenazas%20contra%20los%20periodistas%20y%20medios%20que%20informan%20sobre%20hechos%20inc%C3%B3modos%20para%20el%20poder%20pol%C3%ADtico%20y%20las%20grandes%20empresas.%20En%20lo%20que%20va%20de%202011,%20han%20sido%20asesinados%207%20periodistas%20en%20M%C3%A9xico,%204%20en%20Honduras%20y%20Brasil,%20y%20uno%20en%20El%20Salvador,%20Colombia,%20Guatemala,%20Per%C3%BA,%20Rep%C3%BAblica%20Dominicana%20y%20Venezuela.%20En%20casi%20todos%20los%20casos%20los%20cr%C3%ADmenes%20permanecen%20en%20la%20impunidad.%20Adem%C3%A1s,%20los%20periodistas%20sufren%20censuras%20y%20acciones%20que%20coartan%20la%20libertad%20de%20informar%20por%20parte%20de%20sus%20empresas.%20Como%20el%20caso%20de%20los%20fotoperiodistas%20de%20Uruguay,%20que%20en%20una%20carta%20abierta%20denunciaban%20que%20los%20propietarios%20de%20algunos%20medios%20de%20comunicaci%C3%B3n%20%E2%80%9Ccolaboran%E2%80%9D%20con%20la%20polic%C3%ADa%20y%20los%20jueces%20entreg%C3%A1ndoles%20material%20audiovisual%20in%C3%A9dito%20que%20sirve%20para%20identificar%20personas%20durante%20las%20festaciones.%20Tras%20una%20manifestaci%C3%B3n%20contra%20Bush%20en%202007,%20los%20fot%C3%B3grafos%20de%20prensa%20dec%C3%ADan%20en%20su%20carta%20p%C3%BAblica:%20%E2%80%9CAl%20Ministerio%20del%20Interior%20le%20decimos:%20los%20fot%C3%B3grafos%20de%20prensa%20no%20trabajamos%20para%20la%20polic%C3%ADa.%20(%E2%80%A6)%20a%20los%20propietarios%20y%20directores%20de%20los%20medios:%20los%20contratos%20expresos%20o%20impl%C3%ADcitos%20que%20tenemos%20con%20los%20medios%20autorizan%20el%20uso%20de%20las%20im%C3%A1genes%20que%20producimos%20solo%20con%20firnes%20period%C3%ADsticos.%20(manifestantes:%20quienes%20no%20deseen%20ser%20fotografiados%20no%20deben%20participar%20a%20cara%20descubierta%20en%20actos%20p%C3%BAblicos%20que%20se%20convocan%20en%20espacios%20p%C3%BAblicos%E2%80%9D%20%5B1]. En Chile, Amnistía Internacional ha advertido que la llamada ley antiterrorista y sus testigos protegidos se están aplicado en algunos casos “para la penalización de la protesta social”, y es especialmente grave el uso de testigos secretos y del doble juicio civil y militar contra los mapuches que llevan años movilizándose en defensa de sus tierras y su cultura. En Colombia, durante el Gobierno de Álvaro Uribe toda protesta era acusada de estar infiltrada por las guerrillas de las FARC, acusación que se acompañó (además de amenazas, asesinatos y desapariciones) de escuchas ilegales a defensores de derechos humanos, periodistas y miembros de organizaciones sociales tanto dentro como fuera del territorio colombiano, tal y como se ha demandado ante la Audiencia Nacional española. Con el nuevo Gobierno, está en proceso de aprobación la ley de seguridad ciudadana, que establece en uno de sus artículos que “el que por medios ilícitos obstaculice, de manera temporal o permanente, selectiva o general, las vías o la infraestructura de transporte de tal forma que afecte el orden público o la movilidad, incurrirá en prisión de cuatro a ocho años y multa de trece a setenta y cinco salarios mínimos legales mensuales vigentes”.
Claro que esta ley puede sonar a broma macabra frente a la realidad de que el 55 por ciento de los sindicalistas asesinados en el mundo son colombianos. Precisamente la aterradora situación de los derechos humanos en Colombia ha servido para que en una sentencia histórica de la Corte Interamericana de Derechos en la que se condena al Estado colombiano por el asesinato del senador de la Unión Patriótica Manuel Cepeda, se recuerde la vinculación del derecho a protestar con la libertad de expresión: “es de resaltar que las voces de oposición resultan imprescindibles para una sociedad democrática, sin las cuales no es posible el logro de acuerdos que atiendan a las diferentes visiones que prevalecen en una sociedad. Por ello, la participación efectiva de personas, grupos y organizaciones y partidos políticos de oposición en una sociedad democrática debe ser garantizada por los Estados, mediante normativas y prácticas adecuadas que posibiliten su acceso real y efectivo a los diferentes espacios deliberativos en términos igualitarios, pero también mediante la adopción de medidas necesarias para garantizar su pleno ejercicio, atendiendo la situación de vulnerabilidad en que se encuentran los integrantes de ciertos sectores o grupos sociales”.
El peso de las empresas mediáticas
Volviendo, ahora sí, al asunto de la libertad de expresión de los medios de comunicación en América Latina, es interesante volver a recordar dos realidades que se repiten. La primera durante demasiadas décadas, la segunda en los últimos años. En primer lugar, las amenazas contra los periodistas y medios que informan sobre hechos incómodos para el poder político y las grandes empresas. En lo que va de 2011, han sido asesinados 7 periodistas en México, 4 en Honduras y Brasil, y uno en El Salvador, Colombia, Guatemala, Perú, República Dominicana y Venezuela. En casi todos los casos los crímenes permanecen en la impunidad. Además, los periodistas sufren censuras y acciones que coartan la libertad de informar por parte de sus empresas. Como el caso de los fotoperiodistas de Uruguay, que en una carta abierta denunciaban que los propietarios de algunos medios de comunicación “colaboran” con la policía y los jueces entregándoles material audiovisual inédito que sirve para identificar personas durante las festaciones. Tras una manifestación contra Bush en 2007, los fotógrafos de prensa decían en su carta pública: “Al Ministerio del Interior le decimos: los fotógrafos de prensa no trabajamos para la policía. (…) a los propietarios y directores de los medios: los contratos expresos o implícitos que tenemos con los medios autorizan el uso de las imágenes que producimos solo con firnes periodísticos. (manifestantes: quienes no deseen ser fotografiados no deben participar a cara descubierta en actos públicos que se convocan en espacios públicos” 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Romo Cedano, Pablo. La criminalización de la protesta social en México. Observatorio de la conflictividad social en Mexico. Servicios y Asesoría para la Paz, A. C. Mayo 2008
[2] Rodríguez, Lourdes. Sin romper el encuadre. En: Rabinovich, Magrini y Rincón, op.cit. Se puede leer la carta en:http://fotoperiodistasuy.blogspot.com/2007/04/el-manifestante-los-fotgrafos-los.html
[3] Serrano, Pascual. Desinformación. Cómo los medios ocultan el mundo. Barcelona: Ediciones Península, 2009
[4] Prito, Hugo. ¿Dijo usted libertad de expresión?. En: Rabinovich…(op.cit).
Fuente original: http://www.revistapueblos.org/spip.php?article2292

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